Page 476 - 1970S

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that fourth-rate countries with vastly
inferior industrial, economic and mili–
tary strength could
test
America's will,
time and time again, and find that will
weakened, unsure, and super-cautious.
It
was in
1950,
remember, that the
Russians exploded a hydrogen bomb.
And from that time to this, there has
always loomed the spectre of a nudear–
armed Soviet Russia to haunt the minds
of American leadership. Each incident,
no matter how seemingly trivial, in no
matter how seemingly insignificant cor–
nee of the world, was viewed in the per–
spective of the Soviets and the Bomb.
And so, for the first time, Americans
tried to fight a "conventional war" for
limited political purpose, for limited
military objectives, with "conditioned
response" and the piecemeal contribu–
tion of military hardware and person–
nel. She did this, in
spite
of the
warnings from such battle-hardened
Generals as "Vinegar Joe" Stillwell,
who urged that Americans
never
get
involved in a land war in Asia.
But American soldiers had never
been, prior to Korea, treated like for–
e,ign legionnaires. They had never been
asked to die for limited política! objec–
tíves. They had never been ordered up
frozen hills to die, only to "demon–
strate" a point to an imperturbable,
tough, patient enemy. Wars of attrition,
they thought, died in the trenches of
France. To fight to make the world safe
for Democracy was one thing. But to
fight to demonstrate U. S. policy of
"containment" of Communism in a far–
off, foreign land was quite another.
So, in Korea, America ignored the
lessons of history, and wrote yet another
bloody Jesson which, when viewed m
retrospect, makes the grisly agony of
Vietnam ever more ghastly.
General Stillwell and others referred,
in fact, more to the fetid, stinking rice
paddies of Burma - to the steaming
jungles and tortuous hills of southeast
Asia, than the península of Korea. They
knew Americans could not fight great
tank battles
in
the jungle. A Patton, or
a Mark dark, would be totally out of
place there. They knew more about the
stoical peasant
mind
of Asians than
leaders of a later time.
And they knew, on a simpler level,
the basic truth that,
in
battle, when
troops go to the ground, each individual
soldier becomes personally isolated.
They knew his view of the battle is only
what he sees through thick trees and
brush, that the big picture, the colored
maps, tactical plans and logistics of
massive troop movements are lost on
him. They knew Asían jungles had to
5
be the world's worst place to fight a
war.
And they knew the Asían people's
fantastic capacity for living on the
barest diet, a mere handful of rice daily,
traveling prodigious distances on foot,
and seldom falling victim to the always
prevalent endemic diseases of the
jungle.
They knew an Asian could drink
water from the same streams as an
American - the Asían soldier would
go on to fight, and the American would
develop serious, and sometimes fatal,
dysentery.
But the hard-earned lessons of World
War II were not heeded prior to Korea.
And the doubly-hard-earned lessons
of Korea were somehow ignored prior
to Vietnam.
All the knowledge of former Asian
jungle fighters, including the bitter les–
saos 1earned by the French at Dien Bien
Phu were somehow unimportant in the
high-level political objectives of demon–
strating to the world America would
say: "No Communism allowed here."
Make no mistake. Korea was an
absolute turning point of recent history.
lt was the first big growing crack in the
PRIDE
of America's power.
Take a look at the ironic parallels
between Korea and Vietnam - and
what they have done to the American
spirit at home.
The "Parallel" Wars
In Korea, as in Vietnam, Americans
were fighting side by side with Oriental
peoples who were, in turn, fighting
against their own kind. To Americans
in Korea "all Koreans looked alike."
Similar problems, and their ultimate
repercussions in the inevitable Anti·
Americanism ( an ironic prize for over
9
years of war in Vietnam may well prove
to be a hugely healthy Anti-American
hatred which, regardless of future gov–
ernments in the South, may last for a
very long time to come), have come out
of the battle stories in Víetnam.
In each case, they were fighting in a
narrow country, divided North and
South by a purely imaginary
poütical
line. That is, it was merely a line drawn
on a map by politicians. It followed no
particular chain of mountains. It fol–
lowed no particular river, or valley.
It