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Politburo and of the Secretariat of
the party's Central Committee ,
which carries out the decisions
adopted by the Politburo. Kirilenko
is said to be involved in economic
planning and parly organizational
matters.
lt
is widely believed, however,
that Kirilenko would be merely an
interim leader, head of a temporary
caretaker government which would
continue lhe main lines of Brezh–
nev's policies. Sorne see him in a
role similar to that of Georgi Ma–
lenkov, Stalin's handpicked succes–
sor, who was ultimately outma–
neuvered and ended up run–
ning a power plant at Usl-Kameno–
gorsk in Kazakhstan.
Behind the Scenes
The real power struggle-probably
already underway behind the
scenes- would mosl likely be among
rival "younger" candidales seeking
to maneuver themselves into the top
spot after Kirilenko's death or
ouster. Moreover, the possibility of
one of this group leapfrogging over
Kirilenko and immediately into the
top job should not be ruled out.
These men include:
• Grigory V. Romanov. A mere
stripling of 55, Romanov is the
youngest Politburo member. He is
considered more of a hard-liner in
foreign policy than Brezhnev. He
heads the party apparatus in Lenin–
grad, aod is customarily described
in the Western press as "ruthless."
• Vladimir V. Shcherbitsky, 60.
The Ukrainian party boss and a
member of the Politburo, Shcher–
bitsky is seen as a possible Brezhnev
protégé who could move into the
top post if Brezhnev has anything to
say about his own succession. He is
considered "a manto watch."
• Yuri V. Andropov, 63. A Polit–
buro member and lifelong party of–
ficial, Andropov is head of the
KGB, the Soviet secret police. In–
telligent and sophisticated, he is
thought to be more toleran! of polit–
ical diversity lhan his job as KGB
chiefwould suggest.
• Kiri!T. Mazurov,64.A Byelorus–
sian, Mazurov is first deputy prime
minister (number two manto Kosy–
gin), and therefore more probably a
36
successor lo the premiership than to
Brezhnev's post. He could, however,
become a compromise choice were
sorne sort of deadlock to develop.
• Víctor V. Grishin, 63. Head of
the Moscow City Commíttee, Gri–
shin had been regarded until re–
cently as a machine politician with
little "statesman" potential. But
with the sudden passing last July of
key Politburo member Fyodor D.
Kulakov, sorne Westero diplomats
are now viewing Grishin's fortune
as having advanced, though he still
remains a "dark horse" candidate.
There is, of course, always the
possibility of sorne sort of collective
leadership emerging, similar to the
short-lived Malenkov-Beria-Molo–
tov troika which followed Stalin in
1953. But such an arrangement
would most probably be a stopgap
measure until the strongest man was
able lo eslablish his supremacy.
Finally, were Brezhnev to be
ousted rather than die or resign due
to ill health, new faces not now even
considered in the running could
come to the fore.
Unchanging Goal
As analysts ponder the lengthy ros–
ter of potential successors, their ba–
sic concern is the effect the new
Kremlin boss will have on Soviet
foreign policy vis-a-vis the West.
Sorne have expressed fears of a
hard-liner taking over who would
scrap whatever is left of Brezhnev's
policy of détente and plunge the su–
perpowers back into a dangerous
new cold-war situation.
An alternate view, however, has
been suggested by veteran Euro–
pean política! observer Otto von
Habsburg, who sees such fears as
groundless: "If one analyzes the for–
eígn policy of the Soviet Union- not
befuddled by empty slogans but in
the light of hard facts- one will find
that, regardless of whether a tough
man or a soft man was in charge,
the same line was pursued. The
strategy remained unchanged ; lhere
were only slíght shifts in tactics....
Whoever is tomorrow's Fuehrer,
world revolution will be pursued
with tradítíonal thoroughness,
though of course in the framework
of given circumstances."
In short, the personal style of the
Soviet leadership may change, but
its basic doctrine and strategy- with
its undiminished aim of world do–
minion- will remain constant, with
perhaps minor, undramatic changes
in emphasis or speed.
Brezhnev's successor-whoever he
is- will have to contend with one of
the world's most conservative and
firmly entrenched bureaucracies
and with a multitude of special in–
terest groups, including the Red
Army, the KGB and the lrade
unions-all of whích will have to be
placated. Rigidity is built ínto the
Soviet system. Radical, far-reaching
departures from the main lines of
existing policy are considered vir–
tually impossible. Moreover, the
new leaders will undoubtedly find it
advantageous to avoid any signifi–
can! interna! relaxation that could
threaten their own control.
These are the political realities.
Personalities, to be sure, play an im–
portant role, but, in the final analy–
sis, a secondary one. "No one in lhe
West , " assures von Habsburg ,
"should therefore lose any sleep
wben he learns that another Soviet
potentate sits on the Kremlin's
lhrone"- implying that if any sleep
is to be lost, it should be over the
ongoing Soviet pursuit of their un–
changing goal ofworld domination.
Fortunalely, as this magazine has
proclaimed for over four decades,
lhe Kremlín will ultimately fail in
ils quest for world domination. In–
stead, as Bible prophecy clearly
shows, the entire world is soon to
come under the beneficenl míllen–
nial rule of the government of God,
under which the age-old slruggles
and confticts among nations will be
replaced, at long last, by peace and
prosperity foral! peoples.
O
ADDITIONAL READING
Our booklet entitled
Coming- A New
Age!
portrays God's tast-approaching
new world, where love, peace, har–
mony and beauty will replace curren!
conditions of evil, rebellion and in–
justice. In this totally unique age the
government ol God will reign supreme
and man will ultimately realize his
magnificent destiny. To receive your
free copy simply write to the address
ol our office nearest you.
The
PLAIN TRUTH September 1978