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Ireland's population drawn from each
group. The new Ulster would be gov–
erned as a condominium by Great
Britain and the Irish Republic with
the populace perhaps granted dual
citizenship or choice of citizenship.
Apart from constitutional complex–
ities, there are two principal obstades
to this plan. First the Irish Republic
again would not be disposed to ceding
territory and might do so only if this
were to be an interim solution, leading
to an eventual united Ireland. And
secondly, the Unionists would not
agree to be separated, even in a half–
way sense, from the United Kingdom.
(5) A suddenly announced British
pullout. By this method, the British
Government would declare that its
troops will be withdrawn by a given
date.
It
means telling the Dublin
Government and the Unionists that
they have six, twelve, or whatever
number of set months in which to
agree.
If
there is no agreement, they
would be left to fight it out - or to
bring in the United Nations or anyone
else they care to find as peacekeepers.
Tbe chief objection is that tbey will
not agree and civil war would be in–
evitable.
Britain tried a similar plan once
before - with disastrous results. In
1947, the British gave Hindu and
Moslem leaders
72
days to come up
with a plan on how to divide British
India among the two rival religious
factions. Millions were slaughtered in
the chaotic mass migration of peoples
to and from India and the new nation
of Pakistan.
Another objection is that it would
mean for the British Government a
direct breach of all previous promises
to protect Northern Ireland and to let
its people freely decide their own fu–
ture by majority decisions.
Clearly, the crisis in Northern Ire–
land must rank with the continuing
Jew-Arab struggle as the world's most
nearly insoluble problem.
The utter frustration of trying to
discover the formula for peace in
Northern Ireland Ied one Catholic to
remark to an American journalist:
10
"l'm a congenital optimist; but it's
awfully hard to maintain even con–
genital optimism nowadays."
The Real Solution
Despite the seeming impasse in Ire–
land today, there is a way in which
both communities could live together
in harmony. It is not impossible to
reach a settlement. But for each side
to stubbornly insist upon having its
own way politically, economically and
even religiously is to invite the ulti–
mate calamity - outright civil war.
The present Irish crisis is, in the
nnal analysis, a religious question. To
hide from
this
fact is foolish. The way
to peace is contained in the very Book
- the Bible - which both reli–
gious camps interpret vía stiffiy sec–
tarian viewpoints. While both sides
stoutly defend their own respective
Biblical interpretations, the clear
in–
junction to "!ove thy neighbor as
thyself" goes largely ignored. Most
don't even know what true brotherly
!ove is. As has been often said about
Northern Jreland: "There is too much
religion but not enough Christianity."
What's needed is a change in the
human heart. And until
aii
participants
are willing to make that change there
will be no solutions.
In mid-March, Protestants and Ro–
roan Catholics, as well as members of
three política! parties, gathered at
London's Westminster Cathedral to
pray at an "ecumenical service for in–
tercession for Northero Ireland." But
the bombings and the killings continue
unabated. T his ought to tell us some–
thing. Could it be that God was not
listening?
What, then, is the real solution?
AII previous "solutions" were not
really solutions at all. They were
merely attempts by política! means to
deal with the
elfects
of the age-old
problem, rather than a bold deter–
mined effort to come to grips with the
cattse.
It is time for all Irishmen in Ulster
who claim they are still on the side
of peace to boldly stand up and be
counted as men of peace. This, accord–
ing to public opinion polls, still in–
eludes the vast majority on both sides.
What, then, should be done?
First, in the immediate crisis in
Ulster, this all too silent majority must
cease being cowed and intimidated by
militant minorities on either side. Re–
member, "a soft answer turneth away
wrath" (Proverbs 15:1). Compromise
with the evildoers will only invite
ultimate civil war.
If
the militant
minorities know for certaio that they
cannot count on the tacit support of
their own group, their program of
violence will soon cease. God will
divide and confound the enemies of
peace
if
enough meo are willing to
follow the way to peace.
The future of Northern Ireland, in
fact, all of Ireland, now depends on
whether those in the majority are will –
ing to obey God's injunction to seek
peace - or whether they will compro–
mise with meo of violence in order to
momentarily save their own skins. But
"He that findeth his life [ by compro–
mise now) shall lose it ..." in conse–
quent future bloodshed (Matthew
10:39). This is a basic Biblical princi–
pie the silent majority should seriously
consider.
Hitler and his notorious henchmen,
it should be remembered, carne to
power in Germany as a minority move–
ment, employing the tactics of terror
and intimidation! The German people
simply allowed themselves to be
swayed and intimidated.
Secondly, there must be a massive
repentance and moral re-education pro–
gram to root out every aspect of prej–
udice.
It
is a tragedy when children
3 and 4 years of age spew out the
vilest of racial and religious slurs,
without even knowing who is a "Prot–
estant" or a "Catholic." A big brunt
of the re-education effort must
be
borne by parents on both sides of the
sectarian line. Prejudice is conceived
in the borne and nourished in the
community - in its schools, places of
business, social activities, and even,
uofortunately, in its churches. Are
parents as well as community and re-
PLAIN TRUTH
June
1972