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least one tank and two helicopters if
thíngs really got out of hand.
In the ghetto, militant blacks fueled
the fires of racial hate and discord.
Blaming the whites for the riot, they
continued to sound the call for full
black political control of the city. De–
mands mounted for the expulsion of all
whites.
A racial "balance of terror" was
building in post-riot Newark. As warn–
ings of another outburst mounted,
people scrambled to buy out the gun
shops around the city.
Another ominous racial trend began
to develop. This time from the Italian
minority in the North Ward, who dis–
liked the discrimination at the hands of
the black majority as well as the lack of
financia! help from whites in the down–
town business district.
Racial polarization in Newark had
become three-pronged, and leaders warn
today that another race riot in Newark
may well involve violence on
three
fronts.
It
soon became apparent that post-riot
Newark, especially the inner core, would
continue to worsen. A general feeling
of hopelessness began to set in. Social
problems increased. Housing continued
to deteriorate. Welfare rolls skyrocketed.
Health conditions worsened.
Newark's plight became typical of
most American cities in the wake of the
long, hot summers of the late Sixties.
Only here the problems were more criti–
ca! - to the point that Newark was
soon the nation's leader in almost every
category of urban ill.
Groping for Solutjons
Then a little over a year ago, Ken–
neth Gibson was elected as the city's
first black Mayor. To many blacks, Gib–
son loomed as a potential "political
savior." Many expc:cted urban-improve–
ment mirades overnight. It was soon
proved that no human, whether white or
black, was capable of instantaneously
transforming sick Newark into a healthy,
thriving metropolis. The city was in
trouble before Gibson carne on the
scene, and was Jikely to be in trouble
long after he left.
Since Gibson's election, Newark has
continucd to deteriorate. The Mayor is
increasingly distressed at the plight of
The
PLAIN TRUTH
December 1971
Wide Wor/d
'We
are not talking about saving
the Newarks of America, we are
talking of saving America itself."
-
Kenneth
Gibson ,
mayor
of
Newark
his city. Hardly a month goes by with–
out a major newsworthy statement from
Mayor Gibson over Newark's many
problems.
As its leaders grope for solutions,
Newark continues its downward slide
into urban chaos. Experts increasingly
warn of the city's literal death unle$S
answers are quickly forthcomiog. As the
New York Times
put it: "The men
themselves (those responsible for solv–
ing our urban ills), whatever their race,
whatever their intentions or capabilities,
are trapped in a situation that
defies so-
111Jion tviJh Jhe reso11rces al hand!'
1f
America's cities are following
Newark's tragiC example - and ur–
banologists say unanimously that they
are - then urban America has a dire
future indecd. Newark is a dying city.
It
has all the symptoms of a city on its
deathbed. All other American cities are
gravely ill. They wiU soon be on their
deathbeds, thc experts warn. It's simply
a matter of time, unless solutions are
found. As Mayor Gibson warned in
January,
1971:
"We are not talking
about saving the Newarks of America,
we are talking of saving America
itself."
Most people in America and through–
out the Wcstern world live in cities.
With our cities at stake, our peoples are
at stake. And our peoples are worth
saving, even though our cities, as we
know them, may not be.
O