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PASTOR GENERAL'S REPORT, AUGUST 2, 1985
PAGE 11
shooting indiscriminately, and looting, said witnesses, "everything in
sight," even from the dwellings of the poorest people. Uganda is riven with
tribal infighting.)
Allied with the white liberals are the leaders of the American black civil
rights community. This group is angry that President Reagan has turned
back the clock on some of their favorite programs at home. Partly in retal
iation, they have turned their guns on constructive engagement.
(One of
the harshest advocates of disinvestment on the West Coast is Maxine Waters,
a black California State Assemblywoman from Los Angeles.
She recently
stalked out of a meeting of the California Legislature when visiting Zulu
Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, an opponent of disinvestment, bluntly said that
American blacks and "left liberals" should stay out of the fray in his coun
try, adding that American blacks do not have a right "to tell us what is
good for us•••no matter how good their motives are." Ms. Waters refers to
the Zulu chief, the leader of one-fourth of South Africa's blacks, as "the
traitor Buthelezi.")
The Soviets, capitalizing on the paralleling approaches of the Western
liberals, were thus able to patch together, last summer--in Havana, Cuba--a
coalition to intensify pressure on South Africa. Shortly afterward, the
protests began in front of the South African embassy in Washington,
o.c.
This was not happenstance; it was all planned, explained Arnaud de Borch
grave, editor of THE WASHINGTON TIMES, in the July 29 issue of his news
paper:
Over the years, most recently in conversations with President
Pieter
w.
Botha, I learned of the constructive changes and steady
progress taking place in South Africa •••• Mr. Botha spoke to me
of the tremendous political risks he was taking to bring about
- constitutional and other internal reforms. He said, "We can see
all of black Africa slowly dying, and� have no intention of
abandoning our country to the same fate."•••
Ironically, the wave of violence washin � over South Africa's
urban black townships•••was generated 1n large part by the
Nkomati accord, signed on March 16 last year between Mozambique
and South Africa.
The crucial provision of Nkomati required
Samora Machel, the Marxist leader of Mozambique, to close down
the bases and facilities enjoyed by the African National Congress
(ANC) ••••
ANC's regrouping after the Nkomati reverse was speedy. Last sum
� the ANC leadership held lengthy consultations wit�aaI"ilg
American anti-South Africa activists at the United Nations, then
1mmed1ately went to Havana to work out details on creating exter
nal diplomatic pressure against South Africa in the United States
and Western Europe, in which U.N. agencies would play a support
ing role. By last October, the plans were ready for implementa
tion. The opening round in "making South Africa ungovernable"
commenced with illegal strikes by black trade unions. Some of
the leaders were arrested, and those arrests were the focus of
protests in Europe and America in the first two weeks of Novem
ber.
On Thanksgiving, the campaign of American protests and sit-ins
against South Africa moved into high gear.
The U.S. protest