Basic HTML Version
PAGE 12
PASTOR GENERAL'S REPORT, MARCH 23, 1984
The South Africans, for their part, are considering economic investments in
Mozambique.
They also hope that Mozambique's tourist industry, once so
valued by vacationing South Africans, can be revived.
Fortunately for Machel, since the Reagan administration has come to power,
it has pursued a policy of "constructive engagement" with South Africa, in
stead of one of open confrontation, as during the days of the Carter admin
istration (and would be again under either a Mondale or Hart administra
tion) .
In fact, the U.S. has been offering its services as an active broker (as
have officials in Portugal). Much of the credit for the breakthrough in
Mozambique and the movement in Namibia goes to Chester A. Crocker, U.S.
Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs. The success of Crocker
and his assistants, who have been shuttling back and forth across the
continent in Kissinger-style diplomacy, confuses the liberal policy-framers
who believe that progress can be made in southern Africa only if South
Africa is diplomatically isolated. Continued author St. Jorre:
Liberals are more confused than angry. They have roundly con
demned Cracker's policy as morally wrong for having produced a
"tilt" toward Pretoria. Yet Namibia's independence has always
been high on their agenda, so they are a little shaken to see
Crocker's strategy of cozying up to the South African government
beginning to produce diplomatic results.
Their genuine desire for Namibia's independence now sits uncom
fortably with the possibility that it could be brought about by
their Republican opponents using a strategy they have universally
condemned as immoral and unworkable.
Left-wing criticism has
also been muted by the vision of southern Africa's black Marxist
leaders striking deals with the detested apartheid regime in
Pretoria. The old racial and ideological lines, � clear in the
past, have suddenly started to wobble. ..!_!�all very puzzling.
Only one head of state or government of a neighboring black nation, the
Prime Minister of Swaziland,
accepted the invitation to come to
Komatispoort.
Sensitivities prevented others from personally attending.
Nevertheless, Prime Minister Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe pledged "total sup
port" in a message to President Machel.
In addition, President Kenneth
Kaunda of Zambia--who has offered to chair a summit conference between
South Africa and the region's black states--said he had "complete con
fidence" in the initiative. Angola and Botswana also sent messages of sup
port. (Mr. Kaunda, incidentally, called Mr. Botha a sincere man, seeking
to "follow his honest mind in a sea of racial land mines.")
In sum, more
hand-wringing for liberal activists.
A "Constellation of States" Envisioned
What the far-reaching Prime Minister Botha has envisioned for a long time
is a "constellation of states" in southern Africa, each contributing its
share to the wealth and prosperity of the entire subcontinent, with South
Africa, the region's economic powerhouse, being, as it were, the "loco
motive" to pull everyone along. The scheme is not without its flaws, most
notably the fact that the neighboring independent black nations, especially
the so-called Frontline States, are unwilling at present to deal