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favored by the younger genera–
tion, untouched personally with
the harsh realities of war. Radical
elements among the young have
led the recent upsurge in anti–
American activities, including
bombings of U.S. military instal–
lations.
The strengthened left wing of
the Social Democratic Party is
giving Chancellor Schmidt a
rough time. Sorne accuse Mr.
Schmidt of being an "American
lackey." The left-wing politicians
speak of the "two superpowers"
in the same frame of reference, as
if Germany ' s fate were not
attached to one of them. They
ascribe sinister motives to the
United States but give Moscow
the benefit of every doubt. Even a
Soviet occupation of Poland
would not likely faze them.
Elsewhere in Europe, Belgium,
Holland and Denmark, for all
practica! purposes, can no longer
be regarded as full-fledged mem–
bers of the Alliance. Only France
and ltaly on the Continent , have
remained largely unaffected by
the neutralist drift.
France is only a nominal mem–
ber of NATO, retaining com–
mand over its own armed forces.
lts independent nuclear deter–
rent- the
force de frappe- is
a
pillar of national pride.
Rift to Widen
The conftict between the United
States and the European members
of NATO is certain to widen. The
alliance is extremely long lived as
alliances go. And if there no longer
exists the same perception of the
mutual threat that bound the
members together in the first
place, then the pact rests on
extremely shaky ground.
Worse yet, NATO's horizons
are now too limited, most experts
believe. The main thrust of the
Soviet threat does not confront
NATO states in Europe where
there has existed a rough standoff
for years- but in the Middle
East , Africa and elsewhere.
Despite prodding from Wash–
ington , European NATO mem–
bers- excluding Britain and
France- are extremely reluctant
to play a role alongsíde the
6
United States in, for example, the
Persian Gulf. Yet Persian Gulf
oil is even more cr itica! to Europe
than America.
Moreover, there is growing fear
.in Europe that America's budding
show of strength in the Gulf region
could Jead toa disaster.
Allied foreign policy planners
in Europe are said to take the
view that the United States could
be more of a threat to Westero
vital interests in the oil-rich
region than the Soviet Union.
They are especially wary of
Washington's desire to deploy
forces in or near the Gulf to
insure uninterrupted oil supplies.
The United States has obtained
permission to use and to upgrade
facilities in Somalia, Kenya and
Oman. The largest regional base
of aU will be a bit further out in
the Indian Ocean, on the British
island of Diego Garcia.
The growing fear in West
Europe is that a more visible
American presence could some–
how "destabilize" the region. The
London
Sunday Telegraph 's
Per–
egrine Worsthorne notes that
there is "sober doubt about
American capacity to use conven–
tional armed forces discriminate–
ly in an area about which they
know little."
Adding to doubt over U.S. wis–
dom is the cold fact of U.S. military
defeats and blunders since the Kor–
ean War stalemate: the Bay of Pigs
fiasco in 1961; the agonizing defeat
in Vietnam; the failureofthe rescue
operation in Iran. These failures
hardly inspire confidence. Adds
journalist Worsthorne:
"Precisely because the stakes
are so momentous, mistakes have
to be avoided at all costs.... The
Persian Gulf is a vital West Euro–
pean interest, incomparably more
so than Cuba, say, or Vietnam. A
Bay of Pigs type blunder there
really would be the end of us. Yet
this is the kind of American blun–
der which the West Europeans
have good reason to fear in the
Persian Gulf."
This "oil fear," notes Mr.
Worsthorne, is adding to the
"formidable neutralist virus"
spreading throughout Europe.
And because of these growing
doubts, there is a growing mood
in West Europe to "accommo–
date" the Soviet Union in any
threat from the latter to the Mid–
dle East, rather than relying on
U.S. power and its uncertain con–
sequences. It's not exactly the old
"better Red than dead" syn–
drome, Mr. Worsthorne observes,
rather more one of "better Red
than bankrupt."
European Third Force?
The pattern of unchecked growth
in Soviet military might, drifting
West European neutralism and
distrust in America's protection,
can only lead in one of two direc–
tions. Either Western Europe
slides slowly into the Soviet orbit
by default-or Europe awakes to
the threat, and leaders rise to the
fore demanding that free Europe
become a "Third Force" to pro–
tect Western civilization.
Bible prophecy predicts thé lat–
ter- that there will be yet again,
for the final time, a reviva! of the
Roman Empire in what historians
call "classic Europe"- Western
and Central Europe.
Amer ican troops can't be sta–
tioned forever in Europe. NATO
can' t be expected to last another
30 years. Writes David P. Calleo
in the Spring, 1981 , issue of
For–
eign Affairs:
"Soviet-Amer ican
nuclear parity logically calls for a
stronger independent European
deterrent. The issue will be
forced upon us in any event."
The formidable and growing
French nuclear force could be the
nucleus of such an independent
European deterrent.
Europe today is divided, con–
fused as never before, as· to how
to adjust to its new political reali–
ties. "Many politicians say Eu–
rope must speak with one voice,"
says W.F. van Eekelen, a Dutch
defense official. "But if you ask
what the voice should say, there is
no answer."
One voice
has
been speaking
out, however- a voice above the
plane of politics. Pope John Paul II
has repeatedly called upon Jeaders
on the continent to look to the past
to rediscover Europe's destiny, in
its essential ."spir.itual unity."
(Continued on page 40)
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