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si les are sched ul ed for locations in
Britain, Belgium, the Netherlands
and l taly.
The missiles issue had been a hot
one in the March 6 campaign, so
controversia!, in fact, that a new
word had been coi ned:
Raketen–
wah/kampf- missile
election cam–
paign.
For this reason, never, in recent
memory, had other powers tried so
hard to influence the outcome of
one nation's balloting.
Soviets " Vote" for Vogel
First, in mid-January, Soviet For–
eign Mini ster Andrei G romyko
carne to Bonn. Mr. G romyko's prin–
cipal aim was to weaken Bonn's com–
mitment to the NATO decision.
The Soviets are concerned most
of all about the Pershing
JI ,
a mis–
si le with a powerful and accura te
nuclear warhead that could reach
Soviet targets in a mere seven to
eight minutes from launch time.
The Soviets are not as worried
about the slower, 500-mile-an-hou r
cruise missiles, since they would
take up to two hours to reach
Soviet soil. Nevertheless the cruise
missiles are highly mobile and
would be difficult to detect in
flight. Thc Soviets, because of past
traumas with Germany, are deeply
disturbed over so many G LCMs
being stationed in Germany. They
dub them thc
German-launched
cruise missiles.
l t was clear to all that the Krem–
lin was pinning its hopes on Social
Democratic candidate Hans-Jochen
Vogel. The cha ll enger, in a n
attempt to assuage his left wing and
those who had defected to the radi–
cal antinuclear Greco party, had
given the NATO missile plan only
limited, qualified support. In a
highly visible show of public sup–
port, Mr. Yogcl was invited to
Moscow for a top-level conversa-
Chancellor Helmut Kohl, top, waves to
supporters after his triumph in March 6,
1983, West German elections. Social
Democratic challenger Hans-Jochen Vo–
gel, far right, fared poorly in the ballot–
ing. Petra Kelly, right, leader of the radi–
cal Green party, represented in parlia–
ment for the first time, has promised
sweeping civil disobedience to block
deployment of NATO missiles in West
Germany.
June
1983