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parttctpate in Chancellor Kohl 's
interim cabinet with the FDP.
lf the
cou¡csu
wins an abso–
lute majority in the coming elec–
tions and is able to govern without
the Free Democrats, Herr Strauss
will undoubtedly receive important
cabi net positions. He would almost
certainly become vice-chancellor,
and possibly also foreign minister
o r economics minister. Hi s in–
fluence on the government would
be majar.
But whatever the immediate
results of the coming balloting, the
signs for the longer-range future
remain disturbing. Political ana–
lysts are in agreement that the
months that follow the election
could prove the ultimate test for
West German democracy.
The economic situation could
well continue to slide, aggravating
the política! and social situation
within the country.
Since World War II, West Ger–
many's política! stabi lity has been
based largely on strong economic
performance. Prolonged and wor–
sening economic problems could
lead to política! paralysis.
Echoes From the Past
Such prospects are especially dis–
turbing to observers with a sense of
history.
A strikingly similar set of cir–
cumstances developed inside Ger–
many earlier in this century- with
catastrophic consequences.
Following Germany's defeat in
World War I , a system of demo–
cratic government replaced the old
empire in Germany.
It
is common–
ly referred to as the Weimar
Republic, so called because the
assembly that adopted its constitu–
tion met at the city of Weimar.
Weimar was a democracy, but
that was not enough. Germans
quickly discovered that it was eas–
ier to write a democratic constitu–
tion than to make it work.
The Weimar Republi c was
plagued almost from the start by a
variety of political, economic and
social concerns.
The Weimar constitution, for
example, ensured the representa–
lían of smal l minority parties in
parliament. As a result, innumera–
ble separate parties were formed .
March 1983
This meant that only
by coali–
tion-temporary
all iances of par–
ties--could government majorities
be formed.
The fragile governments thus
formed were the victims of continua!
disunity and bickering among "part–
ners." Small partíes often held the
balance of power, becoming bottle–
necks- stalling and blocking legisla–
tion. More often than not , new elec–
tions failed to break such parliamen–
tary deadlocks.
Increasingly hard times further
fueled the fires of political pande–
monium. The Depression in the
United States shook Europe's eco–
nomic fabric, and Germany was hit
hardest of all. Economic problems
triggered widespread social and
political turmoil. By the end of 1931,
more than six million Germans were
unemployed; by 1933, more than
eight million. Tensions moved inevi–
tably toward the breaking point.
The ongoing disunity of the
political parties made a drastic
solution of the crisis inevitable.
The National Socialists under
Adolf Hitler moved to capitalize on
German discontent. The multitude
of parties were unab le to unite
against him. This sound ed the
death knell of the Weimar Repub–
lic and the birth, in 1933, of the
Third Reich.
A New Welmar?
ls Bonn, many observers are begin–
ning to ask, becoming a
new
Wei–
mar?
Trends within West Germany
make such comparisons inevitable.
(Continued on page 42)
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