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will come to terms with us. But if not
we'll just carry on the way we are.
Overall, it is very difficult in what I call
the "Muddle East" to predict correctly
what will happen in fi.ve year's time.
Q .
What is the fundamental issue
in the Middle East?
A.
The fundamental issue is that the
Arabs (I hope l'm wrong) have not
come to the condusion that we're here
to stay for good. They still look upon
us as a passing episode - like the
Crusaders. The Crusaders were here for
100 years all right, but after the 100
years they kicked the Crusaders back to
where they belonged.
Q .
President Sadat has said there
will be no prospects for peace with
Israel for this generation or the next.
He also said Egypt is willing to
sacrifice a million soldiers to accom·
plish her objectives against Israel. Js
there no other way to resolve the
present confrontations ?
A.
First of all, I hope he's wrong and
that he speaks only for his generation.
I think that if we Israelis again stand
firm by what we believe,
it
will give us
a better chance of preventing a war than
anything else. The mood of the Arabs
today is such that if we start to show
signs of going back, this will be a sigo
to Sadat to go forward. Therefore, firm
belief in and fi.rm standing upon what
you think is right will not only bring
you a better future but most likely will
also prevent a war.
Q.
Could your government return
to the '67 borders and still survive
in office?
A.
No, no defi.nitely not, and l'm sure
it will not do that.
Q .
Could Israel continue in a no·
peace, no-war situation for a con·
siderable length of time?
A.
Yes, we have lived like this most
of our lives. After 2,000 years of being
ín
exile, ten or fi.fteen years isn't a long
time.
Q .
What type of international guar–
antees would Israel require before
she agrees to withdraw her troops?
A.
I wouldn't withdraw my troops for
The
PLAIN TRUTH
any intemational guarantee. 1 would
withdraw the troops only if 1 had a
signed agreement with Egypt to a long–
term peace arrangeroent, not just to an
interim treaty signed by an intermediary.
Q.
Who would gain the most from
reopening the Suez Canal?
A.
Well, from a military point of
view, the Russians. They would gain by
having freedom of movement for their
ships from the Black Sea to the Indian
Ocean. And number two, European
trade would benefit, and, obviously, the
Egyptians.
Q .
Has Israel conducted any re–
rearch on the military use of nuclear
power?
A.
Everybody does research.
Q.
Does Israel at this time have any
plans for nuclear weapons?
A.
That you'd better ask the Defense
Minister.
Q.
Why is it that Arabs and Israelis
can be very friendly on the personal
leve! and so antagonistic on the na–
cional leve! ?
A.
Because on tbe national leve! we
don't sit together. On a personal leve}
we sit together and we eat together, we
live together, we argue. On a national
leve}, there is a refusal, unfortunately
on their side, to sit with us. This is
exactly what 1 said in the beginning.
If
we sit together I think we'll find a way
and find a common language.
Q .
Is that one of the basic require–
ments for finding a solution?
A.
Definitely, definitely. How can you
find a solution with an enemy or with
a friend if you don't sit together?
Q .
Would it make any difference
who invited whom first?
A.
No.
lf
Sadat called today, Israelí
leadership would go to Cairo and talk
to them. I would be the first one to
recommend doing it. 1 wish I could go
myself.
Q .
Is it possible to revive tbe great
periods of flourishing cooperation
between Arabs and Jews?
A.
There's a great deal of cooperation
November 1971
going on now. The Arabs that have
lived in the State of Israel since 1948
are completely absorbed within the
economy of Israel living their own cul–
tural life and their own religious life.
Q .
What is the future of Jerusalem?
A.
1 think that Jerusalem is a con–
troversia! city from a world point of
view and not just for us. To us Jeru–
salem is the heart and soul of the Jewish
people and the heart and soul of Israel,
and I think Jerusalem will never be
divided again and will never be inter–
nationalized and will stay the way she is.
Never has Jerusalem been so free for
everyone, be it Christian, Moslem, or
Jew, as she is today.
Q.
What course should the U. S.
pursue in the Middle East to best
serve her oational interest?
A.
The common bonds between us and
the United States are democracy, free
enterprise, and free society with all its
troubles and tribulations. We are the
only true democracy in this part of the
world. I think America has to convince
the peoples in the Middle East and all
over the world that her way of thinking
and her way of living is a better way
than the Soviet Union's. l 'm afraid
that the United States does not do that
firmly and therefore, unfortunately, in
certain places she's losing ground.
Q.
What would be Israel's response
if Soviet air and naval units engaged
in offensive military actions?
A.
Well, if it occurred it would be
unpleasant for both sides. But l'd like to
elaborate. Usually people are afraid of
an unknown entity, and since Russia is
a rather unknown entity because of all
its secrecy, people are afraid of it. But
there is guite a lot of exaggeration in
that. The Russian fleet in the Middle
East cannot interfere positively or seri–
ously in any land campaign in the
Sinai. The Soviet forces in Egypt,
15,000 of them, are defensive and in–
structional. For the Soviet Union to
move large forces from Russia to Egypt
is a long, lengthy logistical problem. To
Vietnamize Egypt and strike at Israel
from the Soviet Union is rather far