Basic HTML Version
October 1971
The Case
Against
Britain's Membership
(Conlhmed ft·om page
JO)
happening in the future ? What about
the possibility of a strong man taking
over the union - in effect starting
with a United Europe this time,
instead of going to war against his
neighbors to achieve it?
A.
Well, this could happen. Germany,
Fraoce, and Italy have all undergone
dictatorship in the Jast fifty years. I
would expect, rather, to see the
European Commission, the technocrats,
becoming t11e spokesmen aod the chief
technocrat becoming, in effect, the dicta–
toe of Europe. Of course he won't be
called that, he won't be oamed as a
President, he won't have any obvious
political power. But in the hard realities
of politics, he will be the man who, by
his strength of personality, will guide
the technocrats and the technocrats will
guide the Community.
Q.
So you would, in effect, bave a
ruling dictator, or one ruling person–
age over the entire Common Market?
A.
Yes, through the strength of his
personality and operating by his knowl–
edge of the corridors of power.
Q .
Do you see world trade war as
an inevitability?
A.
Yes.
J
think that it's going to be
very difficult indeed to avoid it. You
may get a trade peace following a trade
war - I think you will, obviously -
but the European countries led by
Fraoce are going to insist on dethroning
the dollar. Now this is not an excess of
anti-Americanism. lt's a belief that you
cannot allow one country, however
powerful, to print the world's money,
which in effect is what the dollar is
doing at the moment. No country can
have this power simply because no coun–
try can be trusted not to put its own
interests first. With Britain turning to–
ward the Comroon Market, we're almost
certainly going to throw our weight in
on the side of the French and Germans
who will demand a reorganization of the
world monetary system.
Q.
Is tbere a danger from increased
German power in Europe ?
The
PLAIN TRUTH
A.
Well, up until now, Germany, the
economic giant, has acted like the politi–
cal pygmy. She's tumed all her colossal
energy into trade which was once
turned into war. Who knows?
It
would
be pure speculatioo to say that German
nationalism will rise again, but ob–
viously it could. And the lure of that
would be the reconquest or the reoccu–
pation, the repossession of the East, the
lost lands of the East.
So
long as Russia
remains powerful in Eastern Europe
and so long as Britain and France
secretly back up Russia in keeping Ger–
many divided, which is the practicality
of politics, then obviously German
national ambitions will not be able to
be exercised.
Q . You mentioned once there's a
feeling in Britain that Germany is
neurotic. Could you explain this?
A.
Yes, well, it had a terrible bashing
in the Jast fifty, sixty years. Now they've
poured everything into trade. We're not
a neurotic people, we're very phleg–
matic, too phlegmatic. So we don't get
worked up and we don't really think
trade's all that marvelous. You know,
we prefer the long weekend - this is
laziness. The Germans have poured all
this colossal energy and their marvelous
cfficiency into trade. We've lagged.
We're good at ínventing things but
we're not good at exploiting. The hope
is that when you're in there in the ring,
instead of standing outside saying,
"Show me the enemy!" - Well, when
you're in the ring you're either going to
knock him out or be knocked out. And
that's the argument behind it. Aod ít's
quite a strong argument, only it's never
put forward (that bluntly] because
we've been sittíng for twenty-live years
looking at our navel and getting
nowhere fast.
Q .
Is
there any sort of a nacional
goal that tbe people of Britain sbould
be working toward ?
A.
Oh, that's a very good question.
The British have lost their national am–
bition! Our national ambition was a
British Empire and I think as you look
back on it, it will be seen that it was no
mean achievement. Now we've lost the
empire. That's something we've got to
face up to - we haven't faced up to
13
yet. And that's, of course, what many
people see in Europe. They see this as
the new fulcrum whereby we can exer–
cise our influence because most of the
smaller countries in Europe will tend to
follow us rather than France and Ger·
many, and therefore we will become, in
effect, the dominant power - not per–
haps econornically but in influence - in
the new European Community. And
that could be - let's be honest - iliat
could be the new national ambítion of
Britain.
Q .
Has there been any improvement
in tbe British labor situation in tbe
past few years?
A.
No, no indeed not. That's why
we're gettíng the Industrial Relations
Bíll. We've been trying to operate fue
jet age with a horse and buggy labor
set-up. And this new bill, I believe, is
the start of a deal which will be effec–
tive. But certainly the last few years
have been appallíng. One of the aims,
really, of the Foreign Office [in pushing
for membership] is the feeling fuat we
can only realíze our potential by being
made to fight. Now you don't fight your
friends. There's a natural affinity with
the Americans here, so nobody wants to
pick a quarrel. But with France and
Germany, roughly the same size as our–
selves, roughly the same population,
there's no affinity.
So
therefore you've
got to fight more, and attempt to make
the Brítish more competent. The British
normally are only competent when
they're right in a war, and then they do
get very competent. But up untíl ilien
they're pretty bovine.
Q .
Instead of joining the Common
Market then, what goal do you
be–
lieve Britain should pursue ?
A.
As I said earlier on, we must
collaborate closely with Europe on tech–
nologícal matters. I think we ought to
sustain the European Free Trade Associ–
ation and the Commonwealth as long as
possil:ile and renegotiate with Europe in
an effort to achieve the benefits of Com·
moa Market membership without the
manifold disadvantages, political and
economic, which this portends, not only
for Britain, but for the world. Now you
may say that's idealism carried
to
imbe–
cility, but it's the best
1
can offer at this
time. O