Basic HTML Version
those whites remamtng have got their
eye on the door.
If
they could leave and
take their possessions with them,
I
think
the majority would have left by now.
But when you've invested in a business
or a farm, for example, and you fiad
that if you leave you have to leave your
whole life's work and your investments
behind, then you are reluctant to leave.
This is why rnany whites are still staying
on in Zambia, but
1
can assure you the
majority would !ove to get out if they
could.
Q.
In Kenya, a similar thing occurred
and many whites irnmediately left for
other places including Australia, possi–
bly sorne carne bere.
1
know many
went back to Britain. What would
occur, in your view, in Rhodesia
if
eventual black African majority rule
should come to pass?
A.
Well, I regret to say that 1 think
you would probably fiad the same sort
of circumstances taking place here,
unless, of course, this was something
which carne on merit; and this is our
policy.
If
in the future the African
deserves bis position and deserves to
govern, then we will have no objection
to that. But what we are opposed to is
lowering standards specifically in order
to accommodate people because they
happen to have a certaio color of skin.
We say let merit be the criterion. This
is our policy, and a black man has tbe
same rights to rise to the top
in
Rho–
desia as a white man. There is nothiog
to prevent a black man from occupying
the seat which 1 occupy at the moment,
for exarnple. And under those circum–
stances 1 believe we have nothing to fear
in Rhodesia.
Q.
You once made a statement, ap–
parendy, that t bere would never be a
black majority rule
in
Rhodesia during
your lifetime. Do you still feel tbis
way?
A.
My statement was that I did oot
believe there would be.
Q.
Not tbat you personally would try
to prevent it?
A.
Yes, that is correct. l'm not on
record as having said there will never
be. 1 do not believe there wíll be a
black government in my lifetime because
The
PLAIN TRUTH
on merit 1 don't believe they can
achieve this.
Q.
Why?
A.
I
go back to what
1
said earlier:
At the beginning of this century these
people hadn't even contacted civilization.
They didn't know what a wheel was.
They were walking around dressed in
skins. l'm not trying
to
be
provocative
now, but this is history, these are facts.
You can't expect a pe<>ple in a few years
historically
to
arrive at a position where
they are educated and civilized and
capable of taking over and running a
country. In fact, we have classical exam–
ples to the north of us, of black Africans
which were in touch with civilization
for
100-200
years before the black man
in this country was, and yet they have
made an incredible rness of taking over
their countries and trying
to
run them.
So there's much less chance of people
who've been in contact with civilization
for a third or a quarter of the time of
being successful. This is just common
sense
I
believe.
Q.
Mr. Smith, what is your term of
office?
A.
Five years between elections.
Q.
When is the next election
expected?
A.
Our last election was only just over
a year ago, I think, so we've got about
three years to run - three to four years.
Q.
Do you have any apprehensions
whatsoever about the perpetuation of
your own Government?
A.
No, at the moment l'm not unduly
concerned.
Q.
Apparently, many people outside
Rbodesia hoped that through trade
sanctions and a strangulation of the
economy, a dissatisfaction would
im–
mediately erupt in the country among
the whites as well as the blacks. And,
if your Government could be toppled,
then a different Constitution more
acceptable to the Afro-Asian Bloc in
the U.N. would be adopted. So far as
you're concerned,
Mr.
Smith, does
the Rhodesian policy as you have out–
lined it depend almost entirely upon
you and your Government remain–
ing in power? Do you hold the
September 1971
view that if you should disappear
through elections or sorne other
means, that a new Constitution would
be
adopted ?
A.
1
believe this is indulging in wish–
ful thinking. Our Constitution now is
the Constitution of Rhodesia recognized
by our high courts, and the only way
this can
be
changed would be by process
through our Parliament, firstly. And the
second point
I
make to you is that
I
believe the majority of black Africans
support my Government and the present
Constitution. In fact,
1
know that this is
so. The tribal - the whole tribal struc–
ture, and this is the basis of the African
social structure in Rhodesia, supports
what we have done.
You see, we have brought peace
and quiet to these people. Before we
carne to power the so-called African
politicians stimulated by the Commu–
nists were running around intimidating
Africans, beating them up, burning their
houses, assaulting their women. Yet the
mass of tbe Africans are decent, quiet
people who want to be left to get on
with their work and lead their lives.
And they carne to the conclusion that
if
this was the sort of thing that black
government was going to bring them,
then long may the whites go on being
the Government. They [Communist-led
blacks] played right into our hands. l'm
absolutely satisfied that we govern with
the consent of the majority of whites
and blacks in Rhodesia.
Q .
Mr. Smith, viewing your couotry
as if it were a microcosm of the prob–
lems of the entirety of the globe, what
do you personally feel the future
holds ten, 20, 50 years from now?
What do you see for Rhodesia in the
future?
A.
1 believe that if the rest of the
world would give us a fair chance we
would successfully prove that the black
man and tbe white man can live to–
gether in harmony in Africa. The basis
of the whole problem is that man must
insist on a maintenance of standards,
that we let merit be the criterion. I
believe that problems have accrued, not
ooly in Africa but in the world, where
people have resorted to appeasement
and lowered standards in order to
achieve this end. O