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Juan Carlos and the Future of Spain
The January visit of Spain's future king, Prince Juan
Carlos of Borbon, to the United States, highlighted specula–
tion as to bis country's future - and his personal role in it.
In
1969
Spain's ruler for the past three decades, Genera–
lissimo Francisco Franco, designated Prince Juan Carlos -
the 33-year-old grandson of Spain's last king, Alfonso XIII
- to succeed him as chief of state. The U. S. trip, which
included a state dinner at the Whjte House, was seen as an
attempt to buíld up the Prince's prestige, both at home and
abroad.
Experts in Spain believe the Prince is still not very well
known in his own country and lacks popular support.
Wnether or not Juan Carlos could hold the Spanish nation
together after Franco's eventual departure
is
a subject of
debate. Jokesters in Madrid, as well as critics of the monar–
chial system, are already referring to the Prince as "Juan
Carlos the Brief."
Prince Juan Carlos (standing), future king of Spain,
delivers message to Spanish Parliament, after being
sworn in as successor to General Francisco Franco.
Wide World Photo
Thought to be on the Prince's side is the present govern–
ment of "technocrats" - mostly members or supporters of
the powerful Roman Catholic lay order, the
Opm Dei.
On the other side of the fence are thought to be Spain's
right-wing army officers and the remaining hard-core fascist–
style Falangists, members of Spain's only legal political party.
Which way the army goes is a big key.
In which direction, then will Spain likely head?
If
the transition is smooth, Spain's slow integration with
the rest of Western Europe shou!d continue. The technocrats
have already secured a preferential agreement with the
European Common Market. Eventual full membership in the
bloc is the goal.
Relations with the United States present another ques–
tion. Juan Carlos' opponents have criticized the Prince's trip
to the U. S. To them, Washington "endorsed" Juan Carlos,
and Franco's decision to name him as successor.
Should the opposition win out in any power struggle,
U. S. air and naval bases in Spain could be jn jeopardy. The
bases are practically indispensible to continued large Ameri–
can presence in the Mediterranean and the Middle East.
Mark this too: Even among sorne
Jl(pporters
of Juan
Carlos and the pesent regime, the military agreement with the
U. S. recently renewed until 1975 is unpopular. They regard
the bases as an infringment on Spanish sovereignty.
So, the U. S. could lose out no matter what the "post–
Franco" era brings.
e
And Now
u
ANCOM
11
-
The Andean
Common Market
The United States is in for increasing expressions of
anti-Americanism in what has long been regarded as its vir–
tual private industrial preserve.
The emergence of leftist-oriented regimes in Peru,
Bolivia aod Chile shows that things have cbanged rather
remarkably in U. S.-Latín relations. And Ecuador's recent
seizures of
U.
S. lishing boats revea!s sterner Latín pride in
standing up to the "Colossus of the North."
Throughout Latín Amecica a tide of economic and polit–
ical nationalism is running high. U. S. investments represent
a big target.
For example, a new trade bloc - ANCOM, for Andean
Common Market- is presently being put together. ANCOM
will have a tough time solving the manifold interna! eco-