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This prospect was examined by the
British newsweekly
The Economist
in its July 7, 1979 edition: "Mr.
Strauss has always seen himself as a
saviour to whom tbe German nation
would turn in extremes. Admittedly,
on the economic front, with real
growth expected to run at about 4%
this year, and inflation at less than
4%, Germany can hardly be said to
be in extremes now. But OPEC's lat–
est oil squeeze will make Germany's
economy, like everybody else's, look
worse next year. That will not help
Mr. Schmidt; and it may puta ditfer–
ent complexion on Mr. Strauss's un–
inhibited pro-nuclear [power] views.
"The east-west context may also
Jook different by October next year.
The western alliance is just starting
to wake up to the dangers of a dozen
years of Soviet rearmament, and of
too blithe an acceptance of the Soviet
definition of detente. Mr. Strauss's
anti-Soviet convictions may seem to
lack popular appeal in Germany at
the moment. But by October next
year ... a clarion call for the defense
of the west, and Mr. Strauss is good
at clarion calls, could be a vote-getter
then."
The critica! importance of world
events over the next year was also
examined by Theo Sommer, writing
in the German weekly
Die Zeit,
July
6, 1979: "Wbo says that Strauss is
really going to lose the congressional
elections? Yes, the poils speak
against his victory.... But what
would happen if the economic devel–
opment would escape the grip of the
chancellor? In case inflation and un–
employment would rise next year,
economic growth would diminish,
with every gas pump becoming an
advertising sigo against the coalition
government. What if bis party would
1
continue to move away from Helmut
Schmidt more toward the left?
[Then] the Free Democrats would
swim toward the right.... Then we
would have chancellor Strauss."
It is known that Scbmidt's Social
Democrats would like to move tbe
election forward in the year. Tbey
believe that Bonn's economy will pro–
gressively decline through 1980,
worldng to Strauss's advantage. But
it is unlikely they will be able to
succeed in any such move. The feder-
6
DRESSED IN TRADIT/ONAL GARB,
candidate Strauss poses at his home
near Munich. Strauss has long been the
dominant política/ force in Bavaria. The
coming national electíon wíll test his
pullíng power in the rest of Germany.
Few voters in the Federal Republíc hold
an ambivalent view of Strauss; he
ís
either admired for his strength or
feared for his alleged excesses.
al president has the power to set the
election date. The catch is that, since
May 23, West Germany has bad a
new president, Karl Carstens, a
Christian Democrat. Carstens also
happens to be a good friend of
Strauss. Significantly, Strauss an–
nounced his candidacy the day after
Carstens was elec_ted president.
From Disgrace to Kingmaker
There are sorne West Germans who
describe the Bavarian strong man as
a
Stehaufmaennchen,
one of those
tumbler-toys, rounded and weighted
at the bottom, which, no matter how
often knocked over, bounces right
back again. He certainly has had bis
share of ups and downs.
Franz Josef Strauss was born on
September 6, 1915. As a young man
he excelled both in athletics and aca–
demic activity. He was Bavaria's jun–
ior cycling champion in addition to
being the most brilliant classical stu–
dent of his generation. During World
War
11,
he was conscripted into the
German army, serving mainly on the
eastern front. Unlike severa! post–
war West German Jeaders, Strauss
has a completely unblemisbed non–
Nazi past, never having been a Nazi
Party member.
After the war, Strauss was a
founding member of the Bundestag
(Parliament) in 1949; minister of
portfolio in Konrad Adenauer's cabi–
net at age 38; minister for atomic
questions in 1955; and defense minis–
ter from 1956-62, during which time
he presided over the forging of the
new German army.
lt was in 1962 that Strauss suf–
fered his most severe personal set–
back. He was held responsible for
police raids on the offices of the
Hamburg news magazine
Der Spie–
gel,
which had published an article
on NATO, allegedly betraying state
secrets. In the ensuing uproar ,
Strauss was accused of lying to the
Bundestag and had to resign from
office in disgrace.
The incident would have destroyed
Iesser men. Strauss tumbled so low
that virtually no public figures took
his side. He went into retreat in bis
native Bavaria, seeking the advice of
Catholic priests and his wife. He
analyzed bis past mistakes, deter–
mining bow to rebuild bis career
without making the same mistakes.
In 1966, 'the "new Strauss," still
leader of the CSU, was instrumen–
tal in toppling Dr. Ludwig Erhard's
CDU jFDP government ( 1963-
1966). Strauss's Bavarian CSU en–
gineered the victory of Kurt Kiesin–
ger over Erhard, as well as guaran–
teeing Strauss a place in the new
government, caJied the "Grand Co–
alition" of Christian and Social
Democrats (CDU/SPD).
Die Welt
said: "Strauss was in reality the
kingmaker ."
Thus in 1966, Strauss returned to
the government as finance minister
for the next three years until Social
Democrat Willy Brandt formed a
new coalition government with Wal–
ter Scheel and bis Free Democrats in
October 1969.
Visit to Pasadena
After leaving the government, Dr.
Strauss (he has a number of bonora–
ry doctorales) resumed bis world
(Continued on page 42)
The
PLAIN TRUTH September 1979