Page 3919 - 1970S

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and the occupied territories (470,000
in Israel; 700,000 in the West Bank;
400,000 in the Gaza Strip). The rest
consider themselves in exile, scat–
tered among the Arab nations
nearby. About 600,000 Palestinians
continue to live in U.N. refugee
camps both in lsraeli-occupied terri–
tories and in neighboring Arab coun–
tries.
Undeniably, the Palestinians have
legitimate historical rights and inter–
ests which must be considered in any
workable Mideast settlement. Any
settlement leaving out the Palestin–
ians would simply not be durable.
As a possible solution, the Israelí
government has proposed a plan for
"limited self-rule" with local civil
autonomy for the Palestinians in the
West Bank. Israel , however, insists
upon maintaining a military pres–
ence there. A complete return of the
West Bank-that means a sovereign ,
fully independent Palestinian state–
would, Israelis believe, present a
major security threat to the Jewish
state. They fear that radical Arab
countries- possibly with Soviet
backing-might use it as a staging
ground from which to launch a war
on Israel.
Arabs reject the "limited auton–
omy" plan, as they have similar
plans offered .in the past, demand–
ing
complete and total
restoration of
all occupied territories. However,
sorne sort of "interim" arrangement
leading to eventual Israelí troop
withdrawal might be acceptable.
"As long as Israeli occupation of
Arab territory and Jerusalem con–
tinues," summarized Saudi Arabia's
state radio recently, " there is no
room for optimism. This occupation
is a dagger stuck in the heart of the
Arab nation." President Sadat him–
self has repeatedly stated that he
could never accept an Israelí mili–
tary presence in the West Bank.
"We understand Israel's reasons for
securi ty but, at the same ti.me, the
Palestinians have a definite right to
self-determination," he was quoted
recently by the official Middle East
News Agency. Egypt's state-control–
led Voice of the Arabs radio asser ts
that Egypt "will accept only an
overall settlement based on
total
withdrawal and the recovery of the
40
The thorny issue of
Palestinian political and
territorial rights is
a~
the
heart and core of the
Arab-Israeli conflict,
and its solution is
widely viewed as the
key to a
stable, long-term
Middle East peace.
rights of the Palestinians, including
their right to set up their own state."
In the same vein, the Palestinian
Liberation Organization has termed
the Israelí proposal for limited self–
rule "a ridiculous joke." Under the
overall chairmanshíp of Yasir Ara–
fat, the PLO- an umbrella organiza–
tion encompassing many diverse
Palestinian groups-is officially rec–
ognized throughout the Arab world
as "the sole legitimate representa–
tive of the Palestinian people. "
Israel, however, has refused to deal
with the PLO, which it feels is intent
upon the total destructión of Israel.
"We're not warmongers," Arafat de–
clared recently in defense of his
organization. "We are si.mply de–
manding our legitimate rights, an
independent Palestinian state with–
out which no peace can be reached
in the Middle East."
Sadat is hoping that Israel's atti–
tude toward the Palestinian ques–
tion will eventually soften, and that
this will draw more Arab states into
the ongoing negotiations. If, how–
ever, the desired overall settlement
between Israel and all of her Arab
neighbors is not forthcoming, many
feel that Israel and Egypt might opt
for a separate peace agreement- ei–
ther formal or
de
facto-regardless
of the bitter Arab animosity which
would be incurred.
Others feel Egypt- despite recent
inter-Arab rifts- still regards herseJf
as the leader of the Arab world, and
would never permanently risk that
position by making an agreement
with Israel which would be regarded
by other Arabs as a "sellout." More–
over, by making such an agreement,
Egypt could risk losing the direly
needed economic subsidies she now
receives from oil-rich Arab coun–
tries such as Saudi Arabia. Finally,
such a go-it-alone agreement would
greatly increase the prospect of Sa–
dat's assassination by radicals or of
a full-fiedged revolution in Egypt.
Much rides, therefore, on the suc–
cessful continuation of the negotia–
tions. The alternative could be
renewed prospects for war.
A Beglnnlng
Many have been swept up in the
heady atmosphere and euphoria
generated by Sadat's trip and sub–
sequent events. But
it
is prudent to
keep optimism within bounds.
Sadat 's visit to Israel was merely a
beginning. With one stroke, the
Egyptian leader breached the psy–
chological wall of animosity and
mistrust which had for so long pre–
vented a meaningful exchange of
views between antagonists in the in–
tractable Middle Eastem dispute.
For the first time Arabs and Israelis
are negotiating face to face.
More has been accomplished in a
matter of weeks than had been
achieved in three long decades. But
.many complex problems are yet to
be solved. To Israel, the Arab world
continues to make impossible de–
mands which are incompatible with
lsrael's security. As far as the Arabs
are concerned, Israel has as yet of–
fered no substantive concessions nor
displayed any readiness to com–
promise on the crucial issues impor–
tant to a just peace.
ls compromise possible? In the
shifting sands of Mideast politics,
the outcome of the Egyptian-Israeli
dialogue is impossible to predict
with any certainty.
But one thing is certain. Bible
prophecy indicates the Mideast will
continue to be a prime focal point of
world attention in the months and
years ahead. Ramifications of events
there will be felt far beyond the re–
gion's borders. As
The Plain Truth
has admon ished for over four
decades, keep your eyes on the
Middle East!
o
The
PLAIN TRUTH March 1978