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changes in the fifties. He scored the
governments of the Nine for their
timidity and lack ofpolitical will.
At the same meeting, ex-Chancel–
lo r Willy Brandt confirmed that he
will stand for election to the first
directly elected European Pa rlia–
ment in 1978. (He has since been
joined by other Europea n notables
such as French Socialist leader
Fran9ois Mitterand of France a nd
Premier Leo Tindemans of Belgium.
Two former British prime ministers,
Harold Wilson and Edward Heath.
have a lso shown interest in running
for the new parliament.)
Other German politicians have
made it quite clear which direction
- regardless of which party wins in
October - Germany should move
in the years ahead.
In the prestigious journal
Foreign
Policy
(Number 22, Spring, 1976),
Walther Leisler Kiep, treasurer of
the CDU anda member ofthe Bun–
destag, writes: "As regards a pos–
sible ascent of medium-class West
European countries to world-power
status, the genera l situation is that
they could do so only via a political
unification of Western Europe . ...
" West Germany," continue s
Kiep, "must use its
policica/
weight
to spur the process of European
unification. A united Europe as an
equal partner of the United Statesis
the prerequisite for the survival and
extension of a free and democratic
order. For West Germany to take
on this task is not a national sacri–
fice for the sake of others, but a
necessi ty."
Ties to U.S. - How Strong?
Mr. Kiep adds that "Europe cannot
be defended without the United
States nor can the United States be
without Europe."
True - as things sta nd right now.
The West German
Bundeswehr,
at
slightly under 500,000 men, is a for–
midable, professional fighting force,
the only European contribution to
NATO that really amounts to any–
thing. Bonn continually seeks to up–
grade the quality of the
Bundeswehr
- in contrast to most of her allies
who have been trimming their de–
fense budgets. Over the last few
yea rs, Bonn has also developed a
highly sophisticated arms industry.
But Bonn 's independent maneu-
14
ve rabi lity in military matters is
sharply curtailed in two key areas:
(1) Under international agreements
Bon n has foresworn the devel–
opment a nd deployment of nuclear
weapons, and (2) as a condition of
her membership in NATO, her
armed forces are totally committed
to the command ofthe a lli ance.
Thus, in the final analysis, it is the
commitment of 200,000 American
ground forces sta tioned in Europe,
most of them in Germany, backed
up by America 's nuclear arsenal
which guarantees European secu–
rity.
Visit Ralses Key lssue
l n thi s co ntext , C h ance l lor
Schmidt's recent bicentennial visit
to Washington looms of great sig–
nificance fo r the near future.
Herr Schmidt told reporters t hat
any unilateral reduction of U.S.
troops in Western Europe would
have a "catastrophic impact" on the
world military balance.
Yet, significantly, Schmidt was·
able, on the same visit, to end Bonn's
expensive "offset payments" which
have borne the major cost ofstation–
ing American troops on West Ger–
man soil.
In reaching agreement with the
U.S., both sides felt that because of
recent favorable economic upturns
for the U.S. in American-German
trade (the surplus is Washington's
now) the old offset arrangements
had lost their relevancy.
However, the world economic pic–
ture could change quickly again.
T hen what? Most observers fee l it
was only because of Bonn's
he~lVY
support payments that the U.S. Sen–
ate was able, in the last decade, to
resist pressure from sorne influentia l
quarters to drastically sca le down
America 's military commitment to
Western Europe.
"Bond of Trust"
On his visit to Washington. Chan–
cellor Schmidt heralded the "un–
precedented bond of trust" existing
between West Germany and the
United States.
Things are
not quite
as rosy as
such a lofty pronouncement might
indicate. Over one recent episode
especially, Bonn and Washing ton
carne to verba l blows. U.S. offi cials
we re incensed when Bonn persisted
in selling an entire nuclear reactor
faci lity to Brazil. Washington feared
such a sale would great ly increase
the likelihood of a nuclea r arms race
in South America.
But the Germans went ah ead
anyway. And in the futu re the re is
bound to be more friction between
Bonn and Washington ove r fo reign
policy matters. international trade,
and monetary issues. Says Roben
Gerald Livingston, writing i n
Foreign Policy,
N o. 22, Spring,
1976:
"The new self-confidence in for–
eign affairs displayed by Brandt
[who la unched
Ostpolitik,
or Ger–
many's reconcilia tion with the East] ,
Schmidt, and the current generation
of politica l leaders makes it evident
tha t we [the U. S.] will no longer be
dealing with a country ready to ac–
cept U.S. preeminence across the
board."
Predlctlon Comlng True
The P lain Truth
magazine pre–
d icted, even before the col!apse of
Hitler's Thi rd Reich, that Germany
would rise again. Its editors further
foretold that a revitalized Germany
would ultimately be in the forefront
of a united Europe.
This union of states, we have said,
is based on the indications of Bible
prophecy. Europe will eventually be
uni ted not only economically, but
also politically and militarily- with
its own nuclear weapons. Such a
combine sorne day will be able to
stand up to both the United States
and the Soviet Union.
West Germany has become, by
sheer economic weight, the domi–
nant power inside the Common
Mar ket. The Communi ty- with the
landmark decision regarding the
European Pa rliament - is once
again back on the uni ty track. In
subsequent months and years fu r–
ther historie steps will undoubtedly
take Western Europe down the road
toward what the Common Market
heads of state in the París Summit
Conference of 1972 announced was
their goal: a European union.
I t r emains to be seen whe ther this
ultimate objecti ve sought by Euro–
pean leaders - especia lly the West
Germans - will be good o r bad for
the U ni ted States.
o
The
PLAIN TRUTH October 1976