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in París and Bonn still hold funda–
mentally different views on the
structure of the trans-Atlantic rela–
tionship and the building of Europe
itself. To the French, Europe must
assert its own personality, indepen–
dent of the United States.
The West Germans, on the other
hand, have continuaiJy stressed that
a united Europe must retain close
ties with the United States while at
the same time develop into a strong,
united Europeao pillar of the al–
liance.
Nevertheless, it is significant for
the long-term equation that calls for
political and ultimately military
unity are now coming from one
rather unexpected comer- France.
The phrase "the Eight and
France" has been an apt description
for the deep philosophical division
within the Community. The major
French stumbling block has always
been their dead-set opposition to
the development of a supranational
authority for the original six, now
nine, Community members. The
French have traditionally viewed
"European union" in the old Gaull–
ist perspective of a "Europe of the
Fatherlands." This represents not a
true "united Europe" but rather a
collection of sovereign nation-states
acting in concert on issues of mutual
interest. But this view, as Brandt
told his Strasbourg audience, is out
of date: "The classical nation-state
belongs to yesterday."
Foreign Minister Jobert's recent
remarks are symptomatic of a crack–
ing of France's historie antipathy to
supranationality. He is not alone.
In the past few months, other in–
fiuential Frenchmen have . been
speaking out in a very un-French
manner. Ex-Foreign Minister Mau–
rice Schumann has called for the
direct election of representatives to
the European Parliament i n
Strasbourg. And former premier,
Chaban-Delmas, told the recent
Gaullist party convention in Nantes
that "no European policy can exist
if it is not based on a separate and
autonomous [European] defense
system - even within an alliance."
6
At first, Schumann's and Chaban–
Delmas' words were dismissed as
ooly the criticisms of politicians out
of office - until Foreign Minister
Jobert began saying virtually the
same thing.
Topping off the new French
mood was a significant article which
appeared in late October in the
French economics magazine,
Entre–
prise.
The authors of the article, who
are known to refiect official French
thinking, put forth a new "Program
for Europe," as a journalistic "trial
balloon."
According to the ar ticle, the
French governmen
t
is now willing
to support direct elections to the Eu–
ropean Parliament, push ahead on
the idea of a political union - and is
even willing to eventually accept the
concept of a European foreign min–
ister and defense minister.
The West German news weekly
der Spiegel
called the French change
of mind "a sensation." It stressed
that the change had come so quickly
that "hardly anyone had noticed it,
and if they had they wouldn't have
believed
it:
that it was possible that
France's antagonism toward Euro–
pean integration could be changed."
Waiting for a Leader?
Europeao unity, it has often been
said by the Europeans themselves,
"progresses from crisis to crisis."
The Mideast war could provide
the greatest ímpetus ever to the
eventual emergence of a strong Eu–
rope, united economically, politi–
cally and even militarily.
But despite the undeniable need
for unity, despite the snail-like budg–
ing on entrenched national inter–
ests, it looks now more than ever
before that European unity will
haveto wait for a charismatic leader
to emerge on the scene - a man
who can, with magnetic leadership,
bridge over Europe's nearly un–
bridgeable differences and make
Europe's voice at Iast "one" on the
world scene.
As the
Hamburger Abendblatt
la–
mented: "What Europe lacks is a
supreme politicalleadership."
O
PLAIN TRUTH February 1974