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Europe's present course, Mr .
Nixon said, could only lead to
"deadlock, with the prospect of con–
stant conftict" on economic and
fi –
nancia! issues.
M
r. Nixon obviously felt
he could openly express
such sensit ive issues be–
cause he had already "spoken" -
vía
his foreign affairs proxy, Henry
Kissinger - on the whole range of
Atlantic relations eleven days ear–
lier.
In an unexpected major policy
address delivered before the annual
meeting of the Associated Press in
New York on April 23, Dr. Kiss–
inger, President Nixon's adviser on
national security affairs, set out for
the first time a sketchy outline of the
President's much-publicized "Year
of Europe" program. Dr. Kissinger
stated that the United States desired
to write "a new Atlantic Charter"
with the na
tions
of Western Europe,
to resolve the política!, economic
and military strains which have
been developing between them.
In
a survey of the complaints on
PLAIN TRUTH October 1973
both sides of the Atlantic, Dr.
Kiss–
inger insisted that "the gradual ac–
cumulat ion of sometimes petty,
sometimes major economic disputes,
must be ended and be replaced by a
determined commitment on both
sides of the Atlantic to find coopera–
tive solutions."
Calling for "a fresh act of creation
equal to that undertaken by the
postwar generation of leaders of Eu–
rope and America," the former Har–
vard professor asked "friends in
Europe, Canada, and ultimately Ja–
pan, to join us in this effort" and
come back with suggestions for the
proposed new document of prin–
cipies.
Dr. Kissinger described the al–
Iiance between the United States
and Europe as "the cornerstone of
aH postwar foreign policy." He as–
serted that the big challenge today
is "whether a unity forged by a com–
mon perception of danger (the So–
viet Union] can draw new purpose
from shared positive aspirations."
Kissinger admitted that the task
would be difficult. A generation ago,
the United States was offering help
HERALDED
as the "Year of Europe, "
1973 instead found Europe facing
continued infernal conflicts and a grow–
ing rift with its chief ally, the United
States. Far left: In April 30,000 French
farmers hoisted signs of protest against
the dollar - "the ruin of the European
farmer." Center: The devaluation of
the dollar in February caught many
American tourists off guard. Top right:
The North A tlantic Treaty Organization
found itself the subject of popular
anti-NATO demonstrations earlier this
year, such as this one in Copenhagen.
Bottom right: A meeting of the NATO
Council. A growing controversy in
1973 involved how much European
NATO members should pay for U.S.
troops stationed on European soil.
For left: Henr; Bvreov - Gommo
Center, Aloin Dejeon -
Sygma
Top and battom right,
Block Stor
-
Courtesy NATO
toa devastated Europe, lying prone
before the threat of the Red Army.
Today, the United States is suggest–
ing cooperation with a rebuilt, pow–
erful and strongly competitive
Europe.
R
act ion to the Kissinger pro–
posa! in Europe was cool,
at best.
In France the dominant tone, as
expected, ranged anywhere from
subdued skepticism to downright
derision. Particularly offensive to
the French was the implication that
Europe should only mind its "re–
gional interests" - that Washington
would continue to speak for the en–
tire West on matters of world im–
port, especially in relations with the
communist giants, Russia and
China.
The new, robust Europe of the
N ine, in the French view, should not
languish forever in this junior role.
Certainly
it
should not codify its
subservience in the forro of sorne
grandiose new Atlantic Charter
delegating the greatest responsi–
bilities to the United States. Such a
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