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"trinity" of Brezhnev, Kosygin and
Podgorny dashed off to capitals around
the world, shoring up friendships and
alliances. Romanía, Yugoslavia, Hun–
gary, Bulgaria, India, Burma, North
Vietnam, Algeria, Motocco, Canada,
France, Cuba, Denmark and Norway
were diplomatically invaded in rapid
succession by the touring troika.
The world press generally labelled
the diplomatic venture as a new Soviet
"peace offensive." But the timing of the
suddenly arranged trips plus the places
visited clearly revealed that the Russians
were thinking solely of Number One.
As Brezhnev himself
put
it during
the year's Communist party congress in
Moscow: "We will never forsake the
national interests of the Soviet state."
Mr. Nixon subsequently allayed sorne
of the Kremlin's deep-seated fears by
announcing that he would also visit
Moscow in May of this year "to en–
bance the prospects of world peace."
He also stopped off in frigid Alaska
to shake the hand of Japanese Emperor
Hirohito as the latter jetted on a world
trip. Nixon's greeting was an obviously
symboJic move to warm relations with
Japan - shocked by Mr. Nixon's
China policy reversa! and the New
Economic Plan.
More Moves aod Countermoves
On a separate blitz-trip to New Delhi
in August, Soviet Foreign Minister An–
drei Gromyko carne away with a 20-year
"Friendship, Peace and Cooperation"
treaty with India. The papee guaranteed
Soviet support for that nation in its
growing dispute with Pakistan.
With the stroke of a pen, the Soviets
undercut United States ties with New
Delhi and deftly captured Indian sym–
pathies on its own smoldering dispute
with China, Pakistan's dosest ally. Later
in the year Indica Gandhi, Indian Prime
Minister, visited the United States. The
object was to reassure the U. S. of
India's friendship and to drum up sup–
port in case of war with Pakistan - a
war which began a short time later.
But the Russians, Americans and
their allies were by no means the only
ones on the move.
Yugoslavia's President Tito seemed
to be everywhere, ranging from Wash–
ington to the Vatican, where he became
the first ruling Communist leader to
The
PLAIN TRUTH
confer· with the Pope. Tito, a renegade
Communist leader in the eyes of the
Kremlin, champions the cause of the
non-aligned or "third-world" nations.
In West Germany, Chancellor Willy
Brandt earned a Nobel Peace Prize for
his
Ostpolitik
(policy toward the East)
which reached a new zenith in 1971
with an agreement- yet to be rati–
fied - over Berlín.
Chancellor Brandt did sorne much–
publicized traveling in the cause of his
Ostpolitik.
He was tbe guest of Soviet
party boss Brezhnev for three days of
secret talks in tbe Crimea. Among the
subjects he discussed with Russia's num–
ber-one man was the Kremlin's pet for–
eign policy objective - the convening
in the near future of a "European Secur–
ity Conference." Soviet goals at such a
conference would be to solidify the
status quo throughout Europe, "send
American boys back home," and forever
eliminate a repetition of past "German
excesses."
By this process, Soviet Russia, of
course, would become the dominant
power over al! Europe. Kremlin strate–
gists believe the time is ripe to capital·
ize on cracks in the Western Alliance,
made wider in 1971 by economic fric–
tions between the United States and its
European allies.
Perhaps the most ceremonious jour–
ney of al! was undertaken by Emperor
Hirohito of Japan, mentioned pre–
viously. His trip to severa! Western
European nations (with the brief stop–
over chat with President Nixon in
Alaska) was the very first outside
Japan by a reigning Emperor.
The year 1971 even witnessed a
whole nation embark upon an eventful
"trip." On October 28, the British Par–
liament voted to turn its back on over
900 years of political independence and
link its future with that of the Common
Market.
From Cuba's Castro to Romaoia's
Ceausescu and beyond, the world's
política! mentors were on the move as
never before.
But the candid observer is forced to
admit that the strenuous efforts being
made for the professed cause of "world
peace" are primarily offensive and
defensive maneuverings for positioo on
(Continued on page
12)
January
1972
The
Way
to
\
T
HE YEAR
1971 saw an increasing
number of new treaties and
política! moves, ostensibly in the
interests of world peace. Unfortu–
nately, many of the new pacts were
obviously elements of an interna–
tional jockeying for power.
That nations and international
statesmen want world peace is lauda.
tory. In the flurry of diplomatic
activity we should, however, pause
to reflect on the past. Literafly thou–
sands of nvnaggression pacts, alli–
ances and peace treaties have been
drawn up and signed throughout
recorded history.
Yet, peace has not been the world's
lot. As international relations expert
H.
J.
Morgenthau has observed : "Al!
history shows that nations active in
international poJitics are continu·
ously preparing for, actively involved
in, or recovering from organized
violence in the form of war." At
best, during any historical period,
there has been only an uneasy and
temporary cold-war truce.
Nations have ultimately been forced
to go to war in order to bring
another temporary "peace." The alli·
ances and peace treaties preceding
the madness of World War U
graphically illustrate this problem–
the tragedy of nations unable to live
in peace.
Will the peace moves of 1971
guarantee peace for 1972, 1975
and 1980 - or will nations once
again take up the sword of war?
1934:
Five Years Before World War
JI
JANUARY 26 - Germany con–
dudes a ten-year nonaggression pact
with Poland.
FEBRUARY 9 - The Balkan
Pact between Turkey, Greece, Ro–
manía and Yugoslavia is arranged.
MAY 29-JUNE 11 - The Dis–
armament Conference meets for a
brief session. Last minute efforts to
reach accommodation are wrecked
by the French Delegation.
...